Erdogan shows the way toward Muslim unity

Even as US-Zionist agents were attacking ‘Ashura ceremonies in Pakistan and Iran, in Turkey something remarkable was taking place. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s appearance at an ‘Ashura commemoration ceremony of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom sent a powerful message of Muslim unity. Erdogan is the first Prime Minister of Turkey to attend such a ceremony organized to commemorate the tragedy at Karbala.

The martyrdom of Imam Husayn more than 1,300 years ago has been reduced to something of a sectarian issue when in fact, it relates to the very core of Islamic teachings: the issue of justice and legitimacy. The Qur’an is very clear on the issue justice; there are numerous ayat exhorting Muslims to be just, fair and balanced. How much greater is this responsibility when it involves the family of the noble Messenger of Allah (pbuh)?

A careful study of Islamic history shows that Imam Husayn is revered just as much by those Muslims calling themselves “Sunnis” as those that call themselves “Shi‘is”. One need not go too far back into Islamic history. Even recent scholars have dealt with the martyrdom of Imam Husayn in a remarkably moving way. One can cite the stirring poetry of Dr. Muhammad Iqbal (also referred to as Allama Iqbal in Pakistan and Iqbal Lahori in Iran), the writings of Syed Qutb Shahid and also those of Maulana Abul Ala Maududi. Even among Indian Muslim scholars of the recent past, Imam Husayn’s martyrdom is treated with great respect and almost all scholars look upon Yazid with disdain and contempt.

So what has caused the misunderstandings? Under official patronage, a body of opinion has been deliberately cultivated to gloss over the events of Karbala, to treat them merely as unfortunate and to suggest it is better not to discuss these because it reflects badly on Muslims. It is not difficult to see who benefits from such thinking: the illegitimate rulers in the Muslim world that have usurped power, like Yazid, and are unwilling to return to the principles of shura and bay‘ah. These illegitimate rulers and their court ulama have assiduously peddled the line that “Sunnis” should have nothing to do with commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husayn otherwise it would only create disappointment among Muslims. They have also promoted the argument that Imam Husayn’s martyrdom is of concern only to the “Shi‘is”. Regrettably, some Shi‘is have also helped promote this misunderstanding by passion plays and some of their zakirs indulging in vilification of the Sahaba.

Gradually, more mature thinking is taking hold. We recall the fatwa issued by the Rahbar, Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei at the beginning of October declaring vilification of the Sahaba and the wives of the noble Messenger (pbuh) as haram. This is a giant step forward and was welcomed by most leading scholars in the Muslim world. Regrettably, media outlets, especially those affiliated with or influenced by the Saudis did not give much coverage to this historic fatwa.

At the political front, however, some very important developments have taken place. One of these is the participation of Prime Minister Erdogan in the ‘Ashura ceremonies in Turkey. This is a great step forward for Muslim Unity. Interestingly, in many communities across the Muslim world, including Toronto, many commemoration ceremonies, organized by Shi‘is and Sunnis alike have been held on the occasion of ‘Ashura. This tradition is especially strong among the Sufis that have great respect for the Ahlul Bayt and narrate the events of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn with great reverence and respect. At the official level, however, Prime Minister Erdogan seems to have established a truly remarkable standard.

During his twenty-three minute speech at the recent ‘Ashura ceremony, Prime Minister Erdogan underlined the importance of the events of Karbala to Muslim unity and the struggle for justice. The connection made by Erdogan between the current situation in the Muslim world and events in Karbala showed that Sunni and Shi‘i Muslims think within the same framework and concepts. Erdogan’s scholarly and contemporary analysis of the tragedy at Karbala demolished the decades-long work of the takfiri palace clergy of Arabia. Attempts to portray the events in Karbala as merely a “Shi‘i tradition” was challenged in a powerful way by Erdogan in his speech that will go down in history as a major step towards rebuilding trust and Muslim unity.

Since the AKP was voted into power in 2002, Western imperialist forces have attempted to create discord between Islamic Iran and Turkey by playing the Sunni-Shi‘i card. However, Erdogan’s acknowledgement of the fact that Shi‘i Muslims, just like all other minorities in Turkey are part of the Turkish fabric, dismantled an environment of sectarianism the West so eagerly wanted to integrate into the Turkish state apparatus. Western pundits will still talk about the “historic Sunni-Shi‘i” rivalry in Turkish-Iranian relations, but contemporary reality is showing that this rivalry is now history. The presence of former Iranian Foreign Minister, Ali Akbar Velayati who is currently an advisor on International Affairs to the Rahbar, Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei at the ‘Ashura ceremony attended by Erdogan, shows that the Iranians, like their Turkish brothers, understand the urgent need for unity.

The fact that Muslim unity is gaining momentum even after the US-instigated internal Muslim violence in Iraq is a clear sign that it will ultimately be achieved. Ten years ago it would have been unthinkable to see a Turkish Prime Minister at a religious ceremony, much less one building bridges of Muslim unity. The Muslim world is slowly emerging from its artificially created divisive past. This will deal a blow to those who sow discord among Muslims to serve US-Zionist interests.

The Saudi record of violence against the historical heritage of Islam

Iqbal Siddiqui, Perspectives

The city of Istanbul is among the world’s most popular destinations among Muslims, largely because of the legacy of the Ottoman period and the numerous mosques and other monuments that survive there, through which Muslims can relate to a golden period of Islamic culture.



Other popular destinations include Andalucia in southern Spain, where reminders of Muslim rule survive even though it is nearly 500 years since Muslims were forced from the region.





Cities such as Cairo,





Damascus,





Baghdad







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and Mashhad



are popular for similar reasons, understandably enough, for such monuments provide a very tangible link to the history of Islam and generations of Muslims who achieved so much and built the world we now live it.

But in all the history of Islam, the period and personages to whom Muslims owe the greatest debt and for whom we have the greatest respect are undoubtedly those of the time of the Prophet (pbuh) and the places where he and his Family and Companions lived and worked. Yet those, far from being preserved as an invaluable and irreplaceable cultural resource for Muslims now and in the future, are actually being systematically destroyed by the rulers of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia who claim to be “Guardians of the Holy Places”.





The current month of the Islamic calendar marks the 87th anniversary of the destruction of Jannatul Baqi in Madinah, the City of the Prophet (pbuh), in Shawwal 1373. Among the graves and mausoleums which were razed to the ground were those of several of the Prophet’s (pbuh) wives, his infant son Ibrahim, his daughter Ruqayyah, his grandson Imam Hasan ibn ‘Ali, and his descendants ‘Ali ibn Husain, known as Zain al-Abedin, Muhammad al-Baqir and Ja‘far al-Sadiq, all Imams of the Shi‘i school of thought. So too were the graves of numerous Companions, including Uthman ibn ‘Affan, the third khalifah, and later Islamic personalities, such as Imam Shamil of the Caucasus. Today, Jannatul Baqi is no more than an empty space, the significance of which is not even evident to many who visit Madinah.

The destruction of Jannatul Baqi, shortly after the Saudis seized control of the Holy Cities, prompted protests all over the Muslim world and has come to symbolise the destruction of Islamic sites that has continued throughout the period of Saudi rule. Other sites that have been destroyed include the Mosque of Fatimah Zahra; the Mosque of al-Manaratain; four mosques at the site of the Battle of the Trench in Madinah; the Salman al-Farsi Mosque in Madinah; Jannat al-Mu’allah, the ancient cemetery at Makkah; the grave of Aminah bint Wahb, the Prophet’s (pbuh) mother, bulldozed and set alight in 1998; the graves of Banu Hashim in Makkah and the tombs of Hamzah and other martyrs were demolished at Uhud. Among sites directly relating to the Prophet (pbuh), the houses where Muhammad (pbuh) is believed to have been born in 570ce, of Khadijah, the Prophet’s (pbuh) first wife, and where several of his children were born, and the house in Madinah where he lived after the hijrah, have also been destroyed, as has Dar al Arqam, where the Prophet (pbuh) taught.























Numerous sites in other areas, such as Iraq, Syria and Palestine, have also been destroyed by people influenced by the example of the rulers of Saudi Arabia. According to some sources, 90% or more of historical sites dating back to the time of the Seerah and the Sahabah have been under Saudi management and control.

Since 2007, there have been well-founded fears for the safety of the Prophet’s (pbuh) Mosque in Madinah, which was damaged when Jannatul Baqi was des-troyed in 1925. This is where the Prophet (pbuh) himself, and the first two khalifahs, are buried. In 2007, the Saudi Ministry of Islamic Affairs reportedly published a pamphlet proposing its destruction, which was endorsed by Abd al-‘Aziz Aal al-Shaikh, the current Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia. The destruction of the Prophet’s (pbuh) grave and mosque is something beyond the imagination of most Muslims, yet it must be regarded as a very real possibility under the current rulers of the Hijaz.



It is difficult to explain this behaviour, especially as the Saudis are clearly not oblivious to the importance of historical monuments and heritage. Last year, the Saudi General Commission for Tourism and Antiquities announced plans to restore 200 historical sites around the country, include the pre-Islamic site of Madian Saleh and numerous palaces and other buildings in Dir‘iyyah associated with the Saudi family. The suggestion that these have greater value than Islamic sites is deeply offensive to Muslims everywhere.

There are many reasons why this issue does not get the attention that it deserves. One is undoubtedly the Saudis’ patronage of many Islamic organizations around the world in recent decades. Another may be that there are so many other issues confronting Muslims, not the least of which are the genocides of Muslim populations and the oppression of Islamic activism in almost every Muslim country, compared to which the destruction of a building may arguably appear of lesser importance. Nonetheless, it is important that every effort be made to prevent the Saudis from destroying what little remains of the heritage of Islam, for it is largely through such monuments that peoples’ historical memories are stimulated and sustained, and the destruction of these memories will have profound implications for future generations’ understanding and knowledge of Islam itself.



While it is right that Muslims focus their efforts on the political struggles going on across the Ummah, the Islamic movement must also be able to recognise the crucial importance of endeavours being done in other fields. There are some brave souls, not least in the Hijaz itself, doing their best to highlight the crimes of the Saudis and preserve what remains of the history of Islam in those regions. They deserve as much support from Muslims all over the world as the mujahideen in places such as Palestine, Chechnya and Kashmir, and their efforts, and the issue itself, deserve to be brought to the very forefront of the global struggle for Islam.

The Imam’s life and legacy

June 3rd marks the 21st anniversary of Imam Khomeini’s passing into heavenly company. Amid his many achievements was the success of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, establishing the first Islamic state in modern times. We reproduce an abridged version of Zafar Bangash’s foreword in the latest book, Imam Khomeini: A Leader of Principle and Purpose, published by Crescent International for the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought.

Three factors are essential for the Islamic movement to bring about change in society: an accurate understanding of the situation in which it operates; clarity about the goal it wishes to pursue; and, the process through which this would be achieved. This is also the lesson we learn from the Sirah of the noble Messenger of Allah (r) when he proclaimed the message of Islam, first in Makkah and later in Madinah. He was absolutely clear about the jahili nature of society in Makkah, indeed the entire Arabian Peninsula and beyond, and refused to compromise with it. He set out to challenge and demolish it and replace it with a system based on Islamic principles and values.

The process for this change was the mobilization of a group of people that were totally committed to bringing change in society regardless of the price they would have to pay. And they did. At the end of the life of the noble Messenger of Allah (r) on earth, Islam had not only spread throughout the Arabian Peninsula, but an Islamic state had also been established and consolidated. It started in Madinah but expanded both east and west ultimately encompassing the entire Arabian Peninsula during his lifetime. The Prophet’s (r) successors expanded the Islamic domain to virtually the entire known world, spreading as far as Central Asia and China and into parts of Europe. This is the model Muslims have followed throughout history.

In the Muslims’ contemporary history, there have been numerous movements that have struggled to bring about change in their respective societies. Some have subsumed their struggle under the label of nationalism while others have openly proclaimed that they wish to implement Islamic laws in society, yet with the exception of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, none of the other movements has succeeded. What sets the Islamic movement in Iran apart from others, such as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimoon (Muslim Brotherhood) in Egypt and Jamaat-e Islami in Pakistan or movements inspired by their thought and method? Numerous reasons can be advanced for the lack of success of these movements — and there are elements of truth in all of them — but it needs emphasizing that no movement succeeds without struggle and sacrifice. It is not in the sunnah of Allah (Â) to not test His faithful servants: this was the case with all the Messengers and Prophets of Allah (Å) and continues to be the case with those that have made a faith-commitment to Allah (Â). He makes clear in the noble Book:

Do people think that when they say, “we make a faith commitment to Allah,” that they would not be tested with trials and tribulations? Lo! We tested those who were before you. Thus Allah distinguishes those that are sincere [in their commitment to Him] and those that merely feign and lie [about their commitment] (29:2–3).

Thus challenges and trials and tribulations are part of the struggle that committed Muslims must endure in order to achieve the goal of implementing Islam in society. Both the Ikhwan and the Jamaat-e Islami were endowed with charismatic leaders although they did not achieve the stature of Imam Khomeini. The Ikhwan and the Jamaat also had well-thought-out programs but because they frequently made erroneous assumptions, success eluded them and continues to do so today.

What we can say with confidence is that Islamic movements cannot gain power by participating in elections organized under the prevalent jahili systems in Muslim societies. The experience of the Ikhwan (in Egypt), the Jamaat (in Pakistan), the Islamic Salvation Front (in Algeria) and many others that operate as Islamic political parties confirms this. Some may cite the successes of Hamas and Hizbullah to assert that participation in electoral politics under existing systems can bring positive results. It needs pointing out that their conditions are rather different. Their lands and societies are under direct foreign military occupation. They are forced to make difficult choices. Should they deal with the external enemy or tackle the internal situation first? The choices facing them are not pleasant and both carry grave risks.

The news of Imam Khomeini’s death on June 3, 1989 was marked by extreme grief both in Iran as well as outside. Millions of people in Iran participated in his funeral procession in Tehran while tens of millions of others around the country were grief-stricken. While an estimated three million people had welcomed the Imam on February 1, 1979 when he returned from 15 years in exile, more than 10 million people participated in his funeral prayers in Tehran in the scorching summer heat. The authorities in Iran had to urge people from outside Tehran not to come because facilities in the capital were stretched to breaking point. The scenes at his funeral, as witnessed on television, were heartbreaking.

What these demonstrated clearly was that the Imam lived in people’s hearts. He had earned their trust and confidence through self-sacrifice and denial of worldly pleasures. He was bold and courageous but above all, he had unshakable faith in Allah (Â) and His promised help. The people knew that he was a leader of exceptional qualities but he lived a life that was very close to that of ordinary people in Iran. They also knew that he had no personal ambitions in life beyond adhering to the commands of Allah (Â) and eliminating injustice from the face of the earth. These are the attributes of a truly great leader. This, however, is only one dimension of his multifaceted personality.

Imam Khomeini came from a deeply intellectual tradition. From a very early age, he was immersed in the study of ‘irfan (gnosis) and mysticism. His interest in fiqh was aroused much later. It was clear even in his early life that he was deeply troubled by the injustices in society and he reflected on the causes of such malaise. He began to raise and discuss these issues at a relatively young age despite being quite junior in the hierarchical structure of the ‘ulama in Iran. But he was careful not to overstep his authority in the presence of senior figures. It was later when he had reached a more senior position that he began to express his views more forcefully, leading to his arrest by the Shah’s regime and ultimately exile from Iran in 1963. Exile, however, did not deter him from speaking out, and thus he attracted large audiences. There was a yearning among people searching for a leader with courage, knowledge and charisma. They found their ideal in Imam Khomeini.



There are many dimensions of Imam Khomeini’s personality. It is regrettable that apart from Professor Hamid Algar, perhaps the greatest authority on the Imam, there have not been many scholars that have paid adequate attention to the Imam’s intellectual contribution in numerous fields. Most Muslims around the world became familiar with the Imam’s writings and works through the pioneering efforts of Professor Algar and through the writings of the late Dr. Kalim Siddiqui in the Crescent International. In Tehran, there is also an Institute established for the Compilation of the Works of Imam Khomeini. While it has done some good work, it is largely confined to literature in Farsi and perhaps some material in Arabic. The English works produced by the Institute are of questionable quality.

What is needed is a team of dedicated researchers to concentrate on the writings and declarations of Imam Khomeini to make the rest of the world aware of them. There is a great deal about his intellectual contribution that is unknown to most people. Unless these works are properly researched, analysed and discussed, the world would remain unaware of Imam Khomeini’s contribution in many fields. Even his widely known achievement — leading the Islamic movement to bring about an Islamic revolution in Iran — is not properly understood; even many Muslims do not understand and hence do not appreciate it fully. Some of it is undoubtedly the result of negative propaganda in the western media, and even within the Muslim world financed and supported by such regimes as those in Saudi Arabia or Iraq under Saddam. The West’s animosity toward the Imam is based on the loss it suffered in Iran. He overthrew the West’s favourite puppet and demolished the Western-imposed exploitative order there. This was a major blow to Western interests. This the West could not tolerate, hence the incessant hostile propaganda and negative portrayal of the Imam. They could hardly be expected to extol his virtues. The Islamic State of Iran continues to be viewed with great hostility even today precisely because it refuses to surrender to the West, unlike other regimes in the Muslim world.

The western media’s hostile propaganda is one dimension of the problem. In fact it is confirmation of the fact that the Imam had embarked on a course that was viewed by imperialism and Zionism, the two leading sources of zulm in the world today, as a challenge to their exploitative and anti-human policies. But what explains the hostility of such states as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Iraq under Saddam? These bastions of Arabism are illegitimate entities that were created by western colonialists to serve their interests. The Imam’s successful struggle against the Shah, who was in the mould of all these other rulers, by bringing about an Islamic revolution exposed them completely. This was especially true in the case of Saudi Arabia whose rulers had wrapped themselves in the mantle of custodians of the Two Holy Cities. Muslims worldwide were forced to ask: how could the custodians of the Haramayn be subservient to the kafirs, especially the US, a sworn enemy of Islam?

The hostile propaganda against the Imam was confirmation that his mission was dedicated to the service of Allah (Â). But such propaganda does not fully explain the lack of knowledge among Muslims and other people about the Imam’s immense contribution in such diverse fields as the understanding of the Qur’an, hadith, ‘irfan, fiqh, theology, Muslim political thought, etc. In any case, we should not give too much credit to the Saudis and their ability to influence events in the Muslim world. What is truly lacking is the will and a well-thought-out plan to study the Imam’s contribution. This is an area that awaits serious consideration and attention.

The Islamic Republic commemorates the Imam’s anniversary each year. Guests are invited from all over the world. Papers are presented and conferences held. The commemoration ceremonies culminate in a huge rally at the Imam’s mausoleum in the Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery. Why has a committee of scholars not been appointed and provided facilities to undertake serious research into the writings and thought of the Imam? It serves little purpose to produce numerous volumes of questionable quality and assume that this is all that is required. True, people continue to have deep attachment to the memory of the Imam more than two decades after his departure from this world but his intellectual contribution is of a much higher order and needs to be addressed at the proper level.

This would provide important lessons for the global Islamic movement. It is through the process of learning from our successes as well as failures that we would be able to better tackle the challenges confronting us.

Why Follow the Family of the Prophet (s)?

Why Follow the Family of the Prophet (s)?

Verily Allah only desires to keep away the uncleanness from you, O People of the House (Ahl al-Bayt) and to purify you a thorough purifying. [Verse of Purification from Qur’an 33:33]


Prophet Muhammad (s) was asked by his Companions:
“How should we invoke blessings for you?” … He said:
“Say: ‘O Allah! Send Your blessings on Muhammad and the Family of Muhammad, as You sent Your blessings on Abraham and on the Family of Abraham, for You are the Most Praiseworthy, the Most Glorious.’”[Sahih al-Bukhari, volume 4, book 55, number 589]

The Shi'ah believe that the twin legacy of Prophet Muhammad (s) is the Qur'an and the Ahl al-Bayt (specific members of his family). The Ahl al-Bayt are the source for the authentic Sunnah of the Prophet (s). Only by obtaining instruction from both these sources can a Muslim hope to attain true guidance.


Prophet Muhammad’s Legacy

“I am about to answer the call (of death). Verily, I leave behind two precious things (thaqalayn) amongst you: the Book of Allah and my Ahl al-Bayt. Verily, the two will never separate until they come back to me by the side of the Pond.”

This authentic hadith from the Prophet Muhammad (s) is narrated by over 30 of his Companions and recorded by a large number of Sunni scholars. Some of the famous sources for this hadith include:

q Al-­Hakim al­-Naysaburi, al-­Mustadrak `ala al-Sahihayn (Beirut), volume 3, pages 109-110, 148, and 533). He expressly states that the tradition is sahih in accordance with the criteria of al­-Bukhari and Muslim; al-­Dhahabi has confirmed his judgment

q Muslim, al-Sahih, (English translation), book 031, numbers 5920-3

q al­-Tirmidhi, al-Sahih, volume 5, pages 621-2, numbers 3786 and 3788; volume 2, page 219

q al-Nasa'i, Khasa'is’Ali ibn Abi Talib, hadith number 79

q Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, volume 3, pages 14, 17, 26; volume 3, page 26, 59; volume 4, page 371; volume 5, pages 181-2, 189-190

q Ibn al­'Athir, Jami` al­'usul, volume 1, page 277

q bn Kathir, al-­Bidayah wa al­nihayah, volume 5, page 209. He quotes al-Dhahabi and declares this hadith to be sahih.

q Ibn Kathir, Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Azim , volume 6, page 199

q Nasir al-Din al-Albani, Silsilat al-Ahadith al-Sahiha (Kuwait: al-Dar al-Salafiyya), volume 4, pages 355-8. He lists many chains of narration that he considers reliable.

There are many more sources for this hadith than it is possible to list here.


Didn't the Prophet (s) say “I leave behind the Book of God and my Sunnah” ?

This is a popular misconception. The fact is that there is no reliable basis for this statement attributed to the Prophet’s (s) Final Sermon. It is completely absent from any of the six Sihah books!!

The version in Malik’s Muwatta’, Ibn Hisham’s Sirat Rasul Allah, and from him in al-Tabari’s Ta’rikh, all suffer from incomplete chains of narration with several links in the chain missing! The other versions that have a full chain of narration (isnad) - of which there are very few - all contain narrators that are unanimously considered to be highly unreliable by leading Sunni scholars of rijal. These remarkable facts can be confirmed by those interested in research by referring to the relevant books.

Clearly, no one is suggesting that the Sunnah of the Prophet (s) should not be followed. As stated before, the Prophet (s) wished for the Muslims to refer to his Ahl al-Bayt as a reliable, pure and inerrant source for his Sunnah.


What is so special about the Family of the Prophet (s)?

When the verse

"(O Muhammad) Say, 'I do not ask for any reward for this (bringing of Allah's message) except the love for the near kinship.'" (42:23)

was revealed, the Muslims asked the Prophet: "Who are these near kin of yours whose love is obligatory upon us?" He replied, "'Ali, Fatima, and their two sons."

q al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak `ala al-Sahihayn, volume 2, page 444

q al-Qastallani, Irshad al-Sari Sharh Sahih al-Bukhari, volume 7, page 331

q al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-Manthur, volume 6, pages 6-7

q al-Alusi al-Baghdadi, Ruh al-Ma’ani, volume 25, pages 31-2

The position of truthfulness and virtue of the Ahl al-Bayt was further confirmed by the Qur’an during the disputation with the Christians of Najran. When the verse was revealed

"But whoever disputes with you in this matter after what has come to you of knowledge, then say: come let us call our sons and your sons and our women and your women and our near people and your near people, then let us be earnest in prayer, and pray for the curse of Allah on the liars." (3:61),

the Prophet (s) called ‘Ali, Fatima, al-Hasan and al-Husayn and said: ‘O Allah, these are my Family (Ahli)’.

q Muslim, al-Sahih, (English translation), book 31, number 5915

q al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak `ala al-Sahihayn, volume 3, page 150. He states that it is sahih in accordance with the criteria of al-Bukhari and Muslim

q Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani, Fath al-Bari Sharh Sahih al-Bukhari, volume 7, page 60

q al-Tirmidhi, al-Sahih, kitab al-manaqib, volume 5, page 596

q Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, volume 1, page 185

q al-Suyuti, History of Khalifas Who Took The Right Way, (London, 1995), page 176


Isn't it enough to show respect towards the Ahl al-Bayt?

Is it sufficient to just show respect towards the Qur’an?
Surely the Muslims have no choice but to follow it, as a source of Divine guidance, in all their affairs. The Prophet Muhammad (s) left two things as legacy to the Muslims, and promised that they will never separate from each other until the Day of Judgement. By twinning the Ahl al-Bayt with the Qur’an, the Prophet (s) was telling us to not only show respect towards them, but also to take explanations of Islamic doctrine, practices, hadith and tafsir from them.

“Behold! My Ahl al-Bayt are like the Ark of Noah. Whoever embarked on it was saved, and whoever turned away from it perished”

q al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak `ala al-Sahihayn, volume 3, p. 151 and volume 2, page 343. He states that it is sahih in accordance with the criteria of Muslim

q al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-Manthur, volume 1, pages 71-72

q Ibn Hajar al-Makki, al-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqa, page 140. He states that this tradition has come down through many chains of narration that strengthen each other.


Who are included in the Ahl al-Bayt ?

It has been shown that the Family of the Prophet (s) – interchangeably referred to as the Ahl al-Bayt, ‘Itrah and Aal - included his daughter Fatima al-Zahra’, her husband Imam ‘Ali, and their children Imams al-Hasan and al-Husayn (‘a). The members of this Family of five, with the Prophet Muhammad (s) at its head, were the ones alive at the time the Qur’anic verses regarding their virtue were being revealed to the Prophet (s). However, nine other Imams from the descendants of Imam al-Husayn (‘a) are also in this chosen Family, the final one being Imam al-Mahdi (‘a). The Prophet (s) said:

"I and ‘Ali and al-Hasan and al-Husayn and nine of the descendants of al-Husayn are the purified ones and the inerrant." [al-Juwayni, Fara'id al-Simtayn, (Beirut, 1978), page 160. Note that al-Juwayni’s greatness as a scholar of hadith has been attested by al-Dhahabi in Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, volume 4, page 298, and also by Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani in al-Durar al-Kaminah, volume 1, page 67]

"I am the chief of the Prophets and ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib is the chief of successors, and after me my successors shall be twelve, the first of them being ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and the last of them being al-Mahdi." [al-Juwayni, Fara'id al-Simtayn, page 160]

"Al-Mahdi is one of us Ahl al-Bayt" and "al-Mahdi will be of my family, of the descendants of Fatima" [Ibn Majah, al-Sunan, volume 2, page 519, numbers 4085-6; Abu Dawud, al-Sunan, volume 2, page 207]


What about the Wives of the Prophet (s)?

The verse of purification "Verily Allah only desires to ... " was revealed to the Prophet (s) in the house of his wife Umm Salama (may Allah be pleased with her); the Prophet called al-Hasan, al-Husayn, Fatima and ‘Ali, and he gathered them together and covered them with the mantle. Then he said, "O Allah, these are my Ahl al-Bayt, so keep away every impurity from the Ahl al-Bayt, and purify them with a perfect purification." Umm Salama said, "Am I with them, O Apostle of Allah?" The Prophet (s) said, "You stay in your place, and you are virtuous."

q al-Tirmidhi, al-Sahih, volume 5, pages 351 and 663

q al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak `ala al-Sahihayn, volume 2, page 416. He states that it is sahih in accordance with the criteria of al-Bukhari

q al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-Manthur, volume 5, page 197

The beginning of verse 33:33 and subsequent statements are addressed to the wives of the Prophet (s) as is evident from the feminine pronouns used. However, in the verse of purification, the gender changes to the masculine or mixed gender. This also shows that it was an independent revelation addressed to different individuals.